Now, the Jamaat has rebranded itself as “moderate” and “democratic”, and is advocating for a peaceful transition to an Islamic welfare state.
Political analysts are, however, both dismissive and sceptical of this.
“Jamaat-e-Islami’s political influence in Bangladesh is often overestimated and exaggerated. Historically, the party has won minimal seats, with a peak of 18 in 1991. Despite its online presence and active support base, Jamaat’s electoral strength has remained weak, especially with the BNP (Bangladesh Nationalist Party) now severing ties,” Saimum Parvez, Bangladeshi senior researcher at School of Theology, Religion and Society in Oslo, Norway, told ThePrint.
Others also dismiss the role of the Jamaat in the violence that has happened in the country since the change of regime last year.
“Various Islamic youth groups and religious leaders influence the ‘Islam question’ in Bangladesh, but not all violence, especially against religious minorities, is politically driven. Many attacks are rooted in personal disputes or local power struggles, rather than religious or political motives,” activist-academic Rezaur Rahman Lenin told ThePrint.
“Disinformation also plays a role, with reports showing that 70-80 percent of such incidents are for personal reasons. Religious minorities, often aligned with the Awami League (led by Hasina), face attacks not solely due to their religion but due to power politics. So, it’s not very straightforward to say that an Islamic party came and they are attacking the religious minority,” Lenin added.
Since it re-emerged on the political landscape last year, the Jamaat has also courted controversy.
In January this year, Islami Chhatra Shibir, the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, faced backlash for an article published by its monthly magazine Chhatra Sangbad which had termed the participation of Muslims in the 1971 Liberation War as “their failure and lack of foresight”.
Protests erupted, particularly from student organisations like Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (BNP’s student wing) which condemned the publication for defaming freedom fighters and undermining the independence Bangladesh won through the liberation war.
In response to the backlash, Shibir issued a public apology, claiming the controversial lines were published due to an editorial oversight. The group recalled the printed copies of the December issue of the magazine and removed the article from its online platform.
However, critics remain unconvinced by the apology, noting that Shibir’s history of minimising or justifying the Jamaat’s involvement in the Liberation War casts doubt on the sincerity of the retraction.
“The insincere apology, because it does not own up to its misdeed (which is befitting its historical trend), only came about once the lines went viral on social media and Jamaat’s student cadres realised they were fast losing support among the public. Almost as if they were dangling their feet to test the waters and pulled out, sensing that the time was not yet ripe” Daily Star wrote last month.
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Criticism against Jamaat
This controversy is hardly the first of its kind, as Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing have a long history of opposition to the 1971 Liberation War, during which they were implicated in crimes committed by the Pakistani military-led forces in what was then East Pakistan.
The groups (Jamaat and Shibir) have long been accused of collaborating with the Pakistani army, with members allegedly involved in atrocities through armed militias like Razakar, Al-Badr, and Al-Shams. Despite the conviction and execution of several top Jamaat leaders for war crimes, the party and its student wing are yet to fully confront their role in the genocide.
“While Jamaat-e-Islami’s historical stance on the Liberation War is a contentious topic, it’s important to understand that the political landscape in Bangladesh has shifted. The political understanding of religion, particularly Islam, has evolved, especially in light of global events like 9/11 and the ongoing discourse around Islamophobia. These events have redefined the way Islam and Islamic politics are perceived both locally and internationally,” said Lenin.
‘Jamaat-e-Islami, despite its leadership’s involvement in war crimes in 1971, has yet to openly admit its actions, which remains a significant point of criticism.”
“However, this should not overshadow the fact that they are a major political entity in Bangladesh today. Their role in upholding democracy, regardless of their controversial past, should not be dismissed, as political parties with diverse ideologies have historically played a role in maintaining democratic systems,” Lenin added.
In a move that further raised tensions, the interim government of Bangladesh last year lifted the long-standing ban on Jamaat-e-Islami and its affiliates. The interior ministry issued a notification stating that there was no direct link between the organisation and terrorism, allowing Jamaat and Shibir to participate in the political process.
“Although the ban on Jamaat-e-Islami was lifted, it is important to recognise that this ban was never a legal one, and banning a political party is not necessarily the solution to Bangladesh’s problems. Electoral politics and bans alone do not promote the growth of democratic values or rule of law. Removing the ban might allow Jamaat to participate more actively in politics, but it should not be seen as a cure-all for the country’s political challenges,” Lenin told ThePrint.
“While Bangladesh is a predominantly Muslim country with Islamic values at its core, this does not mean the country follows Sharia law. Jamaat’s political approach has often been more secular in nature, as evidenced by their investments in areas like banking and healthcare, which they funded with money from Saudi Arabia and other Middle Eastern countries,” he explained.
“Despite its religious affiliation, Jamaat-e-Islami has established a banking system that serves the working class, and their media, though promoting religious attire, also broadcasts content that aligns with secular values,” Lenin added.
Bangladesh’s shifting dynamics
Recently, proposals to amend the Bangladeshi Constitution have raised concern over the potential dilution of the Liberation War’s significance in the country’s national narrative.
One suggestion from the Constitution Reform Commission was to reword the preamble to emphasise the “people’s war” of 1971, merging it with more recent political struggles.
Parvez views it as a larger change, one that does not necessarily involve the Jamaat.
“The general population of Bangladesh, which primarily leans centrist, does not resonate with the conservative visions promoted by Jamaat. Both the BNP and emerging student-led parties are centrist and offer clear policy guidelines and future plans. Rather than Jamaat, it is possible that a student-led party could become the next opposition force in Bangladesh,” he said.
Lenin agrees too. “Jamaat-e-Islami is a highly organised and disciplined political party, particularly compared to other Bangladeshi parties. They follow a structured approach and maintain influence in sectors like education and healthcare, which gives them a potential to increase their political clout,” he said.
However, their ability to gain substantial voter support remains uncertain, with their influence on the electorate still limited.
“The political landscape has shifted significantly since the early 2000s, and the role of political Islam in Bangladesh has evolved. Many other Islamic political groups now contest Jamaat’s vision, as their ideas on governance and the state differ, limiting Jamaat’s chances of unifying these factions,” he asserted.
“That said, there are concerns about the growing influence of militant secularism and Islamic nationalism in the country, which can create instability. The rise of these ideological forces should be watched carefully, as they pose potential risks to the political harmony and democratic integrity of Bangladesh,” he warned.
(Edited by Nida Fatima Siddiqui)
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