However, an essential question remains: how has this revolution truly impacted Bangladesh’s youth, media landscape, and future political trajectory?
To explore the long-term effects, the Daily Observer convened discussions with subject-matter experts at Dhaka University. The primary focus of these discussions was the role of the media, shifts in solidarity, psychological and academic effects, and political participation.
Media Influence
As the movement progressed, the role of social media became increasingly prominent, while traditional media faced widespread criticism. For nearly two decades, Bangladesh’s mainstream media—including television, radio, and newspapers—had been under the influence of pro-regime figures.
Dr. Md. Khorshed Alam, Associate Professor in the Department of Mass Communication and Journalism at Dhaka University, noted that mainstream media outlets largely opposed the July movement.
“The owners of these media outlets were beneficiaries of the ruling party’s patronage,” he stated, highlighting the long-standing relationship between media moguls and political elites, which often compromised press freedom.
Dr. Alam recalled historical moments when the media sided against public uprisings. He cited examples such as the National Press Trust during the Liberation War and the burning of Bangladesh Television (BTV) headquarters during the July Revolution. A particularly striking moment was when BTV posted an appeal for help on Facebook, receiving 134,000 reactions, of which 117,000 were “Haha” reactions, signaling public sentiment at the time.
He contrasted this with the 1952 Language Movement, where media personalities actively protested. During that time, Daily Azad editor Abul Kalam Shamsuddin resigned from the East Pakistan Legislative Assembly in protest, and journalists like Fazle Lohani and Mustafa Nurul Islam of Morning News also stepped down. In contrast, “not a single media owner, editor, or journalist resigned in protest during the July Revolution,” Dr. Alam remarked.
Instead, the movement’s true representation emerged through social media platforms like Facebook and YouTube, where real-time footage of protests, police brutality, and government resistance spread rapidly. Western media outlets, such as CNN and Al Jazeera, emphasized the digital nature and youth-led essence of the movement, branding it an “E-Revolution” or “Gen-Z Revolution.”
This shift redefined news consumption patterns. While Western media provided in-depth coverage, Indian media framed the movement through national security concerns. Dr. Alam criticized this portrayal, stating, “Indian media labeled the movement as ISI-backed, HuJI-linked, or a Chinese-supported Islamist uprising, aligning it with a broader geopolitical struggle.”
Political figures like former U.S. President Donald Trump even echoed such narratives. Trump retweeted West Bengal BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari’s statement claiming, “Nearly ten million Hindus will migrate to India post-movement due to a Hindu genocide in Bangladesh.”
Despite these narratives, some democratic voices in India, particularly YouTubers like Akash Banerjee and Dhruv Rathee, supported the movement, significantly influencing Bangladeshi youth.
Shifts in Solidarity
Dr. Samina Lutfa, Associate Professor of Sociology at Dhaka University, observed notable shifts in student solidarity following the movement. Initially, the movement unified students against a common adversary—first focusing on quota reforms and anti-discrimination policies before evolving into a broader call for the resignation of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.
However, she pointed out that “the nature of solidarity during and after the movement differs.”
As the immediate threat subsided, students gravitated back toward their respective political affiliations, leading to a transformation in their unity.
“After the movement, students began joining various political groups, which introduced ideological divisions among them,” Dr. Lutfa explained.
While this shift might seem like fragmentation, she argued that it is a natural process following any mass uprising.
“After any mass upheaval, people tend to reorganize based on their interests and political beliefs,” she stated, adding, “The key question now is how beneficial this new political activism will be for students, educators, and the country.”
Mental Health and Academic Impact
Beyond political changes, the July movement had a significant psychological and academic impact on students.
Dr. Md. Shaheen Molla, Assistant Professor of Psychology at Dhaka University, categorized students into three groups post-movement: movement leaders, general participants, and those who followed events via media.
“Many students were injured, and some witnessed the deaths of their friends and loved ones,” he explained, warning that such traumatic experiences could lead to post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). However, he also noted that resilient students were able to recover more effectively.
The movement also disrupted students’ academic focus.
“Political instability continues to persist, affecting students’ ability to maintain a steady study routine,” he added, emphasizing that many students now struggle to focus on academics as they once did.
To restore academic engagement, he recommended professional counseling, structured sleep schedules, balanced nutrition, and regular exercise.
Rise in Political Participation
Despite academic and psychological setbacks, the revolution rekindled political participation among students.
Dr. Kazi Mohammad Mahbubur Rahman, Associate Professor of Political Science at Dhaka University, noted, “We view this new political activism as a conscious effort. Students are now more vocal and engaged with new political platforms.”
He pointed out that this renewed engagement was particularly significant given that the previous authoritarian regime had disillusioned many young people from politics.
“The presence of fascist forces in the country had made many youths lose interest in politics. However, after the fall of the autocratic government, they have regained their enthusiasm and are now actively participating in political discussions,” he said.
However, he cautioned that challenging entrenched political powers would not be easy. He argued that youth-led political movements need stronger and more compelling slogans focused on justice and resistance.
Expressing optimism, Dr. Rahman remarked, “Political disengagement is ending, and the resurgence of youth participation in politics will play a crucial role in Bangladesh’s political and socio-economic development.”
A New Political Landscape
To assess the direct impact of the movement, representatives from the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement (ADSM) and the National Citizen Committee (NCC) were consulted.
Muntasir Mahmud, central organizer of the NCC, stated that student-led activism has significantly improved the relationship between students and the general public.
“The courage displayed by students in defending people’s rights has increased their acceptance in civil society, creating new opportunities for collaboration,” he said. Now, students and citizens are working together to rebuild the state.
The movement has progressed in phases.
“The initial demand was quota reform and ending discrimination. Gradually, it transformed into a single-point agenda—the fall of fascist Hasina. After the regime’s collapse, it became clear that true liberation and people’s rights could only be secured by reforming the state system itself,” Mahmud explained.
He noted that student leaders of the revolution are now working to establish a Bangladesh-centric political party.
As Bangladesh navigates its post-revolution landscape, the role of the youth, media, and political activism will continue to shape its future, determining whether the July movement’s legacy endures or fades into history.