The army has always enjoyed popular support in Bangladesh, which only increased when people believed that the army paved the way for Hasina’s fall
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STRINGER
Historically, armies have destabilised democracies in their pursuit of unaccountable power. South and Southeast Asia are full of such examples. Bangladesh, too, suffered under prolonged military rule. Often, these regimes were ‘legitimised’ through the creation of feudal (king) parties and sham elections. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Jatiyo Party carry that legacy. There’s also the instance of the military taking power and installing civilian nominees in the hot seat for two years during 2007-08.
Bangladesh’s incumbent army chief, General Waker-Uz-Zaman, however, wants to see an elected government. Ironically, this position puts him at odds with the interim administration led by Muhammad Yunus, which assumed power on August 8, promising a revival of democratic values and practices.
There was a time when Yunus and his cabinet colleagues accused former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of the Awami League of holding on to power through opposition-less or rigged elections. Nearly ten months into office, however, the same people are yet to announce a roadmap for an election. The new clique is trying to carve out a political space for key support groups — including Islamists — who are either unpopular or have never found electoral success. Among established political forces, Hasina’s Awami League — with a minimum of 2.5 crore loyal voters (lowest 25 per cent vote share in 1979) — is not only banned from electoral politics, but is also barred from engaging in any political activity. Though there is no legal bar, the Jatiyo Party has been effectively sidelined. Meanwhile, the BNP, currently the most popular political force, is treated as a third wheel. There were attempts to tame the army, but that seems to have backfired.
Crisis deepens
In a recent meeting with his colleagues at the army headquarters, the General emphasised that he wants an elected government in place by January 2026. He is tired of mob rule and attacks on the history of the Liberation War. The army has been on the streets for the last nine months, assisting the interim administration in maintaining law and order — or at least the semblance of it. Waker-Uz-Zaman wants his forces to ensure a smooth transition to democracy and return to the barracks.
He was particularly frustrated that an unelected government was making critical policy decisions — such as the in-principle approval of the United Nations-proposed Humanitarian Corridor to Myanmar. The General reportedly said the government was taking these decisions while keeping the armed forces in the dark.
Meanwhile, upon his return from the US last September, Yunus told Voice of America that “the government will determine how long its term will be.” At that time, both Yunus and his primary support base — student leaders from the July protests — were at the peak of their popularity. Jamaat-e-Islami-led Islamic forces stood firmly behind the interim administration. Historically, Islamic parties have never garnered more than 10 per cent of the vote in Bangladesh; Jamaat receives less than 5 per cent that too in coalition with BNP. They saw this moment as their opportunity to make a political comeback. Tensions soon emerged between the BNP and Jamaat.
Much has changed since. Jamaat has recently realised its limitations and has begun cosying up to the BNP once again. Islamic forces may not have increased their vote share, but a congenial environment helps them to flex their muscles. They supplied the mobs that kept Bangladesh on edge for the past ten months. But the real losers have been the student leaders. Once enjoying maximum patronage from the Yunus administration, they formed the National Citizen Party (NCP), grew power-hungry, and quickly became too big for their boots.
The result: students have lost popularity within their own fraternity. Yunus began his cabinet with three student leaders. Of them, Nahid Islam left to focus on the NCP. The remaining two — Mahfuz Alam (Yunus’s ‘mastermind’) and Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain — currently hold important portfolios. Last week, both were heckled by students. Chants like “Mahfuz or Sanda? Sanda! Sanda!” echoed across Dhaka. (Sanda is a type of lizard.)
Left with rhetoric
Sheikh Hasina was once a popular political leader. She won the 2014 election with a landslide majority. Her government lost legitimacy due to the lack of credible elections in subsequent terms. Yunus rode a wave that was always bound to be short-lived. The only way to extend its life was through good governance. True, he faced challenges after August 5. But it is now evident that his ambitions had less to do with public aspirations — such as ensuring free and fair elections.
A small group of paratroopers seized the hot seat and decided to reshape the country’s political landscape. That has not gone down well. Yunus is now left with rhetoric and promises, which few believe, and a shrinking base of core support. The sovereignty debate has not worked in his favour either.
The army has always enjoyed popular support in Bangladesh, which only increased when people believed that the army paved the way for Hasina’s fall on August 5. There were images and videos of students welcoming soldiers for remaining passive. General Waker-Uz-Zaman struck a chord by declaring his commitment to democracy and national sovereignty. The Yunus administration seems inclined to confront the army’s stand. How it works out for the nation is to be watched.
The writer is an independent columnist
Published on May 27, 2025