Mar 8, 2025 13:24 IST
First published on: Mar 8, 2025 at 13:23 IST
The student-led movement that was at the forefront of the protests leading to Sheikh Hasina’s downfall has now launched the Jatiya Nagorik Party, or National Citizens’ Party (NCP). With its promise of a “second republic,” the party signals a determination to reshape Bangladesh’s political landscape. But how realistic are its ambitions? What steps must it take to challenge the dominance of established parties?
In its March 2 editorial, Prothom Alo notes, “The youth’s call for a new political settlement will undoubtedly inspire hope among the public. While not everyone may fully agree with all the programmes and commitments outlined by the new party, there can be no disagreement with their aspiration to replace division with unity, retribution with justice, uplift marginalised communities and establish leadership based on merit and competence across all levels of society and the state.” The editorial reminds readers that despite the mass uprisings of 1969 and 1990, political power ultimately did not remain in the hands of the youth. “The leaders of the anti-authoritarian movement in 1990 did not adhere to the framework of the three alliances they had announced. Those who assumed power prioritised personal and group interests rather than serving the nation. The establishment of a fascist system was facilitated by the suppression of people’s voting rights in three elections.” Nevertheless, the editorial welcomes the new party while advising that “the selection of leadership must follow a democratic process.”
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In an article published in the Dhaka Tribune on March 3, H M Nazmul Alam, an academic, journalist and political analyst, questions whether the student-led NCP can establish itself as a true political force. He writes, “Had the NCP been formed immediately after the July-August uprising, it could have capitalised on the raw energy of the people, channelling it into a structured political movement. Instead, the delay has allowed competing political forces to reclaim lost ground, diminishing the party’s initial advantage.” Alam cautions that limiting its support base to students and urban activists will not suffice: “The NCP must recognise that mobilising students and urban activists is not enough. Without an extensive network of local organisers, it will struggle to convert enthusiasm into electoral victories. Building strong alliances with trade unions, farmers’ associations, and local organisations could provide the NCP with a much-needed foundation beyond the university campuses.” Still, he acknowledges that the party is not necessarily doomed to irrelevance. “Political history is full of movements that overcame initial skepticism.”
In a March 5 article, Prothom Alo deputy editor A K M Zakaria examines what the new party brings to the table. He writes, “This time they were in the leadership. After the mass movement, the students were eager to start up new politics. They were attached to the interim government and now they have formed a new political party and taken to the field. This is unprecedented in Bangladesh.” Zakaria then raises questions about the party’s ideology: “The question now is, what will be the ideological differences between the BNP and the new party? Also, to which side will the new party lean? Left or right? A power struggle seems to have emerged among the students of different ideological orientations within the party. The people are curious to see where the party’s ideological stand eventually ends up.” He warns that the NCP will face intense scrutiny and resistance from conventional political forces: “It must be kept in mind that the forces of conventional politics and the system will not be too enthusiastic about welcoming those who smashed the long and established rule of Hasina.”
In another Prothom Alo article published on March 5, Mahmudur Rahman Manna — a former Awami League leader turned Hasina critic — emphasises the importance of democratic principles over radicalism for long-term success. “The students were in the radical camp. At this age, radicalism is often preferred. But after the radical camp achieved victory in the fight, it was the democratic or constitutional camp that became dominant in state-building. The students did not understand this for a long time. They either understood or did not understand, but they protested against several important government decisions, even launching movements against them. However, their movements were unsuccessful. And they could not have succeeded.” He questions how the NCP will contribute to nation-building: “Although the NCP is a political party formed by young people, I hope that they will be responsible players in the political field.”
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Finally, in a March 1 article for The Daily Star, Shamsad Mortuza, professor of English at Dhaka University, offers yet another cautious perspective on the NCP’s prospects. While he does not wish to discourage young revolutionaries, he emphasises the need to “strike roots” and also warns, “The party’s high moral ground has already been tainted by some allegations of corruption and violence. Some of the accusations are likely political smears, while others seem genuine enough to raise concerns. For credibility’s sake, the party must come clean, championing transparency and due diligence, and restore public trust.”
saptarshi.basak@expressindia.com