With their mass rallies and processions, slogans and posters echoing the will of their electorate, Bangladesh’s political parties project an air of vibrant democracy on the surface. Yet behind the scenes, democracy ends where leadership begins. Power is concentrated in the hands of a few, and internal democracy is a distant mirage.
For decades, the country’s political landscape has been dominated by leaders who rarely face opposition within their ranks. Party constitutions promising regular elections and elaborate MP nomination process are routinely set aside, turning leaders into de facto monarchs. They hold on to power for years, if not decades, only to relinquish control until ill health, legal troubles or death forces their hand, an analysis of 25 political parties by this newspaper shows.
This centralisation of power has fostered a cult of personality around party leaders, turning internal dissent into a taboo. The result is a hollowing out of democracy within the very institutions that are supposed to safeguard it, with far-reaching consequences for Bangladesh’s political culture.
Almost all party constitutions stipulate a council, every three or four years, to elect office bearers, including the top leadership. But that remains on paper only. Political scientist Professor Rounaq Jahan says in her book “Political Parties in Bangladesh” that those who highlight the role of political parties in consolidating democracy also underscore the importance of their internal democracy. This, she says, can be measured by the process of leadership selection, candidate nomination and policy-setting.
An analysis of historical facts shows that most parties lack a democratic culture in their leadership election or candidate nomination.
“A lack of this internal democratic practice is a major obstacle to making Bangladesh truly democratic,” Prof Jahan told The Daily Star recently.
“If we want to really institutionalise democracy, political parties will need to practise it within their ranks,” she said. “They have turned politics into personality cults.”
She explained that unable to retain general members, the parties increasingly rely on dynastic politics. “Policies are no longer important in the political parties,” she said.
Jahan writes that following restoration of electoral democracy in 1991, the political parties failed to institute processes and practices that strengthen internal democracy.
SELECTION, NOT ELECTION
Awami League leaders said council meetings had increasingly become a rubber stamp in the hands of the party president only to endorse her preference.
During the last AL council in 2022, Sheikh Hasina stressed the need for new leadership and handed over responsibilities to councillors at a closed-door session, to which the entire auditorium had burst out into a loud “No!”
As the designated election official of the council took the microphone and asked for names of party president, councillors shouted in unison, “Sheikh Hasina, Sheikh Hasina!”
Veteran leader Amir Hossain Amu then took the floor, saying there was no other alternative. “We all want her at the post for as long as she lives.”
Consequently, Hasina was re-elected as AL president unopposed. The councillors also empowered Hasina with absolute authority to select other office-bearers–which she did.
The story is not too different for BNP. Khaleda Zia was elected as party chair unopposed in 2016. A week ahead of the council, Jamir Uddin Sircar, BNP standing committee member and chief election commissioner for the council, declared the two top leaders, chairperson and senior vice chairman, had been elected unopposed. “Nobody came forward to contest the elections,” he said.
A week later, during the session, Khandaker Mosharraf Hossain told councillors as they have full trust in Khaleda Zia in all matters, they could entrust her with the responsibility to pick people for the standing committee (BNP highest policy making body) and the executive committee.
The councillors readily agreed. Khaleda did not decline either but said she needed to do more homework before picking her team.
MP NOMINEES HANDPICKED
The relevant law — Representation of the People Order, 1972 — stipulates a bottom-up nomination process for MP aspirants of political parties. They are required to be nominated from the grassroots by local leaders. This list is supposed to be finalised by a nomination board.
However, both the major parties blatantly violate these provisions. The AL announced its MP nominees for the 2024 election after Hasina interviewed over 3,350 aspirants.
International corruption watchdog Transparency International said in a report that candidates were not nominated based on local recommendations. “All nominations had been decided through interviews at the central level.” Prior to the 2018 polls, Hasina had claimed that there had been surveys to gauge public perception at the local level before handing out nominations.
In the NP’s case, over a dozen grassroot leaders had told this newspaper that they had not prepared any list of aspiring candidates for MP nominees. They were all picked centrally in the 2018 polls.
As for the Jatiya Party, it was always the leader who chose nominees without paying heed to the legal provisions.
Even a cursory look into the history of each party’s leadership explains the situation with further clarity.
Awami League
Hasina, elder daughter of Awami League’s iconic leader Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, was made party chief in February 1981 while she was in exile in India at a time when the party was crumbling. Since then, Hasina has led unopposed for 43 years, much longer than luminaries like Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani or her father, who remained at the helm for eight years—second longest stint as AL president.
In his book “Muldharar Rajniti Bangladesh Awami League: Council 1949-2016”, Harun-or-Rashid writes that Mujib resigned as party president in 1974, amid protest by councillors, in line with a provision barring presidents, prime ministers or ministers from holding party positions.
This provision, introduced in 1955, was annulled in 1992, Harun added.
Hasina took over AL presidency for the ninth term in 2022 at 75, although in June 2007, she had proposed that leaders above 60 would not remain on the party’s key policy making bodies. “All leaders above 60 will be accommodated in the advisory council,” Hasan Mahmud, Hasina’s aide at the time, had told the press.
The party has held 22 councils in 75 years. The last was one was in December 2022.
BNP
Khaleda Zia, widow of the party’s founder Ziaur Rahman, entered politics at the request of party workers in 1982. In March 1983, she was appointed senior vice chair. Khaleda went on to become elected, unopposed, as the party’s chair in May 1984. She has remained in that position for 40 years.
Party leaders on February 8, 2018 announced that senior vice-chairman Tarique Rahman, Khaleda’s elder son, will run the party as its acting leader in her absence as she was sent to jail.
The BNP has held six council sessions in 46 years—the last one in 2016.
Jatiya Party
Founded in 1986 by military dictator Hussein Mohammad Ershad, Jatiya Party’s charter vests its leader with absolute power to appoint office bearers at will. Ershad remained at the helm of his party until his death in 2019.
According to a Centre for Policy Dialogue working paper, Ershad told the party’s council in 2009 that there was no need for an acting chairman since he was ready to resume leadership and serve this position “until death”.
Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami
The Islamist party has had four full-fledged leaders in 45 years since its revival in 1979, while its charter stipulates election of a party chief every three years.
Ghulam Azam was elected party chief in 1979 but was replaced by Abbas Ali Khan as acting head in light of the trouble over Azam’s citizenship. Abbas remained in the position till his death in 1992, while Azam was officially the party chief till 2000, when he quit due to ill health.
Matiur Rahman Nizami worked as the party leader from 2000 to 2016. But Maqbul Ahmed filled in as acting chief from June 2010 to May 2016, when Nizami was in jail for war crimes and subsequently hanged.
Maqbul was elected ameer in May 2016 and held the office until 2019.
Shafiqur Rahman was elected in November 2019 and remains as party chief.
OTHERS
National Awami Party NAP (Muzzaffar) faction president Muzaffar Ahmad was the longest serving party leader in Bangladesh, remaining in charge for 52 years until his death in August 2019. He had become president of the erstwhile East Pakistan NAP in 1967.
Gono Forum leader Dr Kamal Hossain was elected as emeritus president for life in October 2023 after he resigned as party president, a position he had held for 30 years since founding the party in 1993. The party has so far held seven councils.
“Out of respect for Dr Kamal Hossain, no one challenged him for the post of president,” said its General Secretary Mizanur Rahman.
Workers Party President Rashed Khan Menon has led the leftist party for 20 years since 2004. He was general secretary between 1992 and 2004. The party has held nine councils in 38 years.
Hasanul Haque Inu has been the president of his faction of the Jatiya Samjtantrik Dal since 2002. Inu was general secretary between 1986 and 2002.
The party decided in 2010 that none of its leaders would be elected president or general secretary more than twice in a row. That provision was suspended in 2016.
Mujahidul Islam Selim was either general secretary or president of the Communist Party of Bangladesh for 30 years between 1993 and 2022. It became the only party in Bangladesh to have term limits on its leadership when the party congress decided in 2012 that no one would be elected president or general secretary more than two consecutive terms.
Bangladesher Samajtantrik Dal was founded in 1980 by some renegades of the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal. Khalequzzaman was the top leader either acting as convenor or general secretary for 42 years until March 2022. He is now the party’s chief adviser. Although the party constitution stipulates a council every four years, it held its first congress in March 2022. Its Assistant General Secretary Razequzzaman explained that they held internal conventions several times and a conference in 2009 to elect party leadership.
ASM Rab left the JSD in 2001 and formed his faction of the Jatiya Samjtantrik Dal (Rab). He has been the president since then.
Andaleeve Rahman Partha became president of the Bangladesh Jatiya Party in 2008 after the death of his father Naziur Rahman Manzur. Partha remains in charge of that faction while Anwar Hossain Manju has remained chairman of another faction since 2002.
Zonayed Saki has been the top leader of Ganosamhati Andolon since its foundation in 2002 while Badruddin Umar remains president of the Jatiya Mukti Council since its foundation in 2003.
Former president and BNP stalwart, AQM Badruddoza Chowdhury founded the Bikalpa Dhara Bangladesh in 2004 and served as president for 20 years until his death in October 2024.
Oli Ahmed founded the Liberal Democratic Party in October 2006, and has remained its leader since then.
Islami Andolan Bangladesh (erstwhile Islami Shashontantra Andolan) was formed in 1987 by Syed Fazlul Karim, also known as Charmonai pir. Fazlul’s son Rezaul Karim was made the party chief following Fazlul’s death in 2006.
Khelafat Majlish was founded in 1989. Its founding chief Azizul Haque, better known as Shaikhul Hadith Azizul Haque, remained at the helm until his death in 2012.
Bangladesh Tarikat Federation was formed by Syed Najibul Bashar Maizbhandari in 2005 and is still the party chairman.
Dilip Barua has been the leader of Bangladesher Samyabadi Dal since 1987. Krishak Sramik Janata League’s President Abdul Kader Siddique has been in that same position since its foundation in December 1999.
Revolutionary Workers Party of Bangladesh was founded by faction of leaders and activists of the Workers Party in 2004. Since then, Saiful Haque has been the general secretary.
Bangladesh Khelafat Andolan was founded by Muhammadullah Hafezzee Huzur in 1981. He remained the leader until his death in 1987, after which his elder son, Shah Ahmedullah Ahsraf became chief and remained in that position till November 2014. Ataullah Ibne Hafezzee was made chief of the party that year, and remains in that position.
Zaker Party was founded by Maulana Mohammad Hashmatullah, renowned as the Pir of Atrashi in Faridpur, in 1989. Since then, Hashmatullah’s son Mostafa Amir Faisal has been the party chair. The party needs to hold a council every four years and has held four councils to date. Zaker Party Secretary General Shameem Haider said, “No one else was interested in running for chairman in the last couple of councils.”