By Aditya Gowdara Shivamurthy and Madhurima Pramanik
The Bangladesh Advisory Council recently approved an ordinance to amend the nation’s 2009 Anti-Terrorism Act. Under this amendment, Chief Adviser Mohammed Yunus banned all activities of the Awami League until the International Criminal Tribunal concludes its trial of the party and its leaders.
The decision was influenced by a three-day demonstration by the National Citizen Party (NCP)—Bangladesh’s first-ever student-led political party—alongside several other political and student organisations. The emergence of the NCP and the growing momentum of protests by parties and organisations against the caretaker government underscore the arrival of new political players in Bangladesh. However, the shrinking space for secular and rational politics poses a significant challenge for these new entities and the country’s democratic future.
The Rise of NCP
The NCP was formed out of the Students Against Discrimination (SAD) and the Jatiya Nagorik Committee (National Citizens’ Committee), which led mass protests against Sheikh Hasina. Nahid Islam, convener of the NCP, was a key organiser of the student movement that staunchly criticised the Awami League (AL)’s quota and economic policies. The transition from a non-political, student-led uprising in July 2024 to the formal establishment of the NCP on 28 February 2025 marks a transformative moment in Bangladesh’s political history. The party emerged as a direct response to the protests, filling the power vacuum left by Hasina’s ouster.
In keeping with the movement’s spirit, the NCP has encapsulated the vision of building a ‘second republic’. It aims to redefine Bangladeshi politics, rectify decades of systemic failures, and present the country as a ‘new political nation based on democratic and political justice.’
Ideologically, the party positions itself as centrist. It has demanded the formation of a new constituent assembly and a rewritten constitution that would significantly alter/revise the values, views, and legacy of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman—Bangladesh’s founding father. However, the NCP has yet to clarify which specific aspects of the legacy it seeks to challenge and remodel. It has also described the Awami League’s 15-year rule under Sheikh Hasina as an authoritarian dictatorship. This attempt to distance itself from the Awami League with its anti-party rhetoric and ideology has brought the NCP closer to right-wing parties and extremist groups.
Secular Politics at Stake
At the time of its creation, Bangladesh’s original constitution declared the country a secular state. This was later altered with the inclusion of Article 2(A), which designated Islam as the state religion. Although secularism was later restored through an amendment, it now exists alongside Islam’s formal status—creating a complex and contested ideological space.
While the Awami League upheld secular values and supported minority communities, the political vacuum left by Hasina has allowed radical parties to expand their realm of influence. Several rallies by hardline groups have taken place in Dhaka, with significant public support.
Mainstream political parties such as the AL and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) have historically flirted with hardline entities. The Hasina government, too, had uneasy, controversial relations with organisations such as Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI) or Hefazat-e-Islam (HeI). This gave the parties more religious credentials and support from conservative sections and rural areas. In fact, Shah Ahmed Shafi, leader of HeI, once honoured Hasina with the title ‘Mother of Qwami’. Nevertheless, her government was able to control extremism and maintained a strong stance of zero tolerance against terrorism. In addition, she introducedthe Anti-Terrorism Law in 2009, amending it in 2012 and 2013.
However, for a younger generation—those who never witnessed the ‘Mukti juddho’ (independence movement) and have grown up only under Hasina’s leadership – are critical of the AL for its ‘electoral autocracy’—these values seem more abstract. They are frustrated and sceptical of the current political system, which they perceive to be corrupt and sluggish. One of the sections has even demanded the decoupling of the AL from Bangladesh’s history.
This was evident with the destruction of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s (the father of the nation, founder of Awami League, and father of Sheikh Hasina) portraits and properties. They have even demanded that the government revoke his status as a freedom fighter. This disaffection with the AL, combined with the depleting space for secular politics and a proclivity towards Islamism, has left new parties such as the NCP in a complicated position. The party’s centrist and anti-AL rhetoric has drawn it into cooperation with hardline elements and right-wing parties. It has even issued joint statements with the HeI’s Secretary General against AL, demanding the cancellation of the party’s registration.
Their ideological leaning towards the centre has also made it difficult to confront/oppose right-wing rhetoric directly. This could garner votes and legitimacy for this newly established party.
For instance, the party has expressed gratitude to Islamic Chhatra Shibir, the student wing of JeI, for supporting the student protest. In March 2025, Hizb-ut-Tahrir (HuT), a pro-Caliphate transnational radical Islamic organisation, called a ‘March for Khilafat’ rally in Dhaka, which the present convenor of NCP supported. On 3 May 2025, HeI led a major rally opposing the Women’s Affairs Reform Commission, established by the interim Yunus administration. It condemned the proposed reforms on equal rights and rejected the inclusion of terms such as ‘third gender’—a sentiment that was echoed by NCP leadership present at the rally
A Larger Question on Politics and the Youth:
The caretaker government has nurtured close relations with the right-wing parties, considering their role in contributing to Hasina’s ousting. It repealed the ban on Jamaat and is now facing threats from radical groups to follow Sharia laws. It also faces protests by HeI against gender-centred reforms. Meanwhile, the BNP is mounting pressure on the government to conduct general elections, and reports suggest that the army has also asked the interim government to conduct elections in December.
The call for elections, a ban on the Awami League, and the increasing momentum of the BNP could further compel the youth and new entities and parties such as the NCP that are frustrated with the system to join hands with other hardline entities. It illustrates a generational change and a developing ideological conflict inside Bangladesh’s democracy. With most of these organisations at their budding stage, secularism in retreat, the Awami League’s legacy in question and the country’s political centre hollowed out, the ground is fertile for extreme right-wing parties to expand their presence and ideology with alliances and coalitions. This could be even likelier in the case of early elections. With several youths supporting young parties such as the NCP and expressing keenness on reforms and political participation, the actual character of the so-called ‘second republic’ remains uncertain, and the country walks a risky line between democracy and a chaotic descent.
About the author:
- Aditya Gowdara Shivamurthy is an Associate Fellow with the Strategic Studies Programme at the Observer Research Foundation.
- Madhurima Pramanik is an intern with the Strategic Studies Programme at the Observer Research Foundation.
Source: This article was published by the Observer Research Foundation.