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Nahid Islam, a key student leader of the group Students Against Discrimination (SAD), which led the revolt last year, has quit the interim government of Nobel Prize-winning microfinance pioneer Muhammad Yunus and is expected to lead the new outfit
It all started on July 1 when university students kick-started protests to demand reforms to a quota system for sought-after public sector jobs. (AP)
Bangladesh is in the throes of fresh political churning once again. Seven months after Sheikh Hasina fled the country, the students’ group instrumental in her departure has decided to launch a new political party with the aim to reshape the landscape of a country battered by economic woes and political turbulence ahead of expected elections.
Nahid Islam, a key student leader of the group Students Against Discrimination (SAD), which led the revolt last year, has quit the interim government of Nobel Prize-winning microfinance pioneer Muhammad Yunus and is expected to lead the new outfit to “fulfil the aspirations of a new Bangladesh”.
Speaking to news agency ANI, Samanta Shermeen, spokesperson of Jatio Nagorik Committee — a platform of the student group — said: “After the July 2024 uprising, new hopes and aspirations have been born in Bangladesh. In view of those hopes and aspirations, the students have taken the initiative to form a new political party.”
She added: “Dr Yunus does not represent Jamat or BNP, Dr Yunus represents the uprising and all the advisers represent the uprising. They do not represent any political party.”
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So, what exactly is happening in Bangladesh? Let’s look back at August 2024 when the uprising began.
SHEIKH HASINA’S OUSTER
It all started on July 1 when university students kick-started protests to demand reforms to a quota system for sought-after public sector jobs, alleging that the scheme is used to stack the civil service with loyalists of Hasina’s Awami League.
Hasina, who won a fifth term as prime minister in January after a vote without genuine opposition, brushes off the protest, saying the students are “wasting their time”.
Fifteen days later, six people are killed in clashes between protesters and pro-government supporters. Unwilling to accept Hasina’s olive branch, protesters chant “down with the dictator” and torch the headquarters of state broadcaster Bangladesh Television and dozens of other government buildings.
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Days later, the Supreme Court rules the decision to reintroduce job quotas was illegal. However, its verdict falls short of protesters’ demands to entirely abolish reserved jobs for children of “freedom fighters” from Bangladesh’s 1971 independence war against Pakistan.
On August 5, Hasina fled Dhaka by helicopter as thousands of protesters stormed her palace. Bangladesh army chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman announces in a broadcast on state television that Hasina had resigned and the military would form an interim government. Soon, Nobel peace prize winner Yunus, 84, flies to Dhaka to lead a caretaker government.
BANGLADESH UNDER MD YUNUS
Yunus, an unelected leader with no popular support, has not had an easy journey. Shored up as a placeholder after Hasina’s exit, he has faced criticism for being unable to curb the violence against minorities — especially Hindus — in Bangladesh and giving a free hand to Islamists.
Over six months since he assumed power, not much has changed in Bangladesh and it is probably this frustration that prompted the student group supporting him to look for a new political avenue.
Bangladesh has also been unable to arrest rising prices and a deteriorating economic climate, testing the patience of citizens who clung on to hope with the regime change.
CNN-News18 had earlier reported that political instability and law and order issues have deterred new investments, impacting employment generation. While the devaluation of currency offered some respite to the garment industry, other sectors haven’t fared as well. Reports indicate a decline in credit growth, private sector expansion, and activity in the IT sector. The job market, particularly in IT manufacturing, has shrunk, resulting in job losses.
WHAT ABOUT THE AWAMI LEAGUE?
The Awami League (AL), one of the two major political parties in Bangladesh, has a rich historical legacy and played a pivotal role in the independence of Bangladesh. Helmed by Hasina, AL now faces an uncertain future as her leadership had shaped both the political direction of Bangladesh and the Awami League itself.
What has added to the anger against AL is their refusal to issue a formal apology or statement acknowledging the government’s crackdown during the student-led uprising. Instead, it worsened the situation by terming the protest a “terrorist uprising”, allegedly orchestrated by forces aiming to push the country towards a “Pakistani ideology”.
Speaking to Al Jazeera, Al Masud Hasanuzzaman, an analyst and professor of political science at Jahangirnagar University in Dhaka, said the party’s hardline stances and decisions fuelled public outrage, paving the way for the uprising’s success.
However, Hasina is no stranger to comebacks. In a virtual address, Hasina vowed to return and avenge the deaths of Awami League cadres and some police officers, calling them ‘martyrs’ of political violence.
But will the Awami League’s resurrection be an easy task? Many believe that Hasina’s image as a leader has been tarnished and rebuilding the party without her would be tricky, given the internal fissions.
In a street rally on January 25, Mahfuz Alam, an adviser to the interim Yunus government and a key leader of the student movement, said that the Awami League would not be allowed to participate in the next elections, which Yunus has said will be held by early 2026.
According to Ali Riaz, a political analyst and professor at Illinois State University, AL would need to meet four conditions for any chance of a potential comeback. “Issuing an unequivocal apology for crimes committed during its 16 years in power, particularly the 2024 uprising; renouncing its current ideology; ensuring that no member of Hasina’s family leads the party again; and facing trials for committing heinous crimes including crimes against humanity,” he told Al Jazeera.
CAN BNP TAKE ADVANTAGE?
For the BNP, hopes of return to power rest on ailing former Bangladeshi premier Khaleda Zia who has flown to London for long-sought medical treatment.
Zia, 79, served as prime minister of the South Asian nation twice but was jailed for corruption in 2018 during the tenure of Hasina, her successor and lifelong rival. Hasina’s toppling and exile to India after the August revolt against her autocratic government prompted Zia’s release from house arrest.
Zia has been in declining health for years, is confined to a wheelchair with rheumatoid arthritis, and also suffers from diabetes and cirrhosis of the liver. Hasina’s government consistently refused requests for Zia to travel abroad for treatment after her conviction.
The biggest hurdle for BNP will be the leadership vacuum as Zia’s son, Tarique Rahman, has become the de facto leader of the party but does not enjoy the confidence of all sections.
BNP’s relationship with Islamist groups is also a major concern. While BNP has historically sought the support of Islamist parties like Jamaat-e-Islami, it faces growing pressure from these groups, which could impact its political strategy.
CAN NEW PARTY BREAK DUOPOLY?
The student-led movement has significantly disrupted the traditional two-party political landscape in Bangladesh, creating an opportunity for a third political force to emerge.
Experts believe a new party could usher in a new era of political competition and accountability. This shift could inspire grassroots movements and organisations to participate in electoral politics, fostering a more inclusive democracy within the country.
Also, smaller parties, often aligned with the Awami League or BNP, might shift allegiances, eroding the dominance of the two major players. This realignment could lead to a more fractured but politically dynamic system.
However, the nascent political party faces an uphill battle in a political landscape dominated by the ruling elite’s control over institutions, media, and resources. Internal divisions within the student movement, stemming from diverse ideologies and priorities, pose a further challenge to the party’s unity and effectiveness.
ARMY SOUNDS ALARM
The Bangladesh army chief is seemingly unhappy with the Muhammad Yunus-led interim government, with sources indicating discontent within the Bangladesh army regarding the current regime.
A significant point of contention is the perceived sidelining of army chief Waker-uz-Zaman who was appointed during the Hasina regime.
Known for his belief in democratic processes, Waker-uz-Zaman has consistently acted as an adviser to the government. Sources suggest that he desires early elections to ensure a people’s mandate, expressing concerns over potential influence from the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami or other extremist factions.
The army chief’s concern extends to the military’s image, which he believes has been tarnished by the perceived inaction amidst the country’s challenges. His commitment to elections is evident from his 2024 announcement of the 2025 general election, made during Yunus’s absence.
SO, WHAT’S AHEAD FOR YUNUS?
Nobel laureate Yunus may consider lending his support to the nascent political party, particularly if their platform aligns with his vision for Bangladesh. Given that the party promises to prioritise issues like political reform, anti-corruption measures, or youth empowerment, Yunus might view this as a chance to champion a new wave of leadership. His endorsement could bring significant weight and international visibility to the student-led movement.
Some experts feel Yunus may contribute his knowledge to the party as an advisor without formally joining. His input could be instrumental in developing policies addressing the country’s socioeconomic challenges.
Yunus, however, has previously been vocal about his disillusionment with the country’s political elite, and he could be cautious about aligning with any specific party. Instead, he might continue his focus on social business and advocacy without becoming directly involved in partisan politics.
(With inputs from Reuters, AFP)
- Location :
Dhaka, Bangladesh